Where the two different "90% fail" figures come from, the six patterns that recur, and the endings that are not failures.
11 min read·Lesson 10 of 11
The ninety per cent
You will meet the claim that ninety per cent of intentional communities fail. It is repeated in newspaper articles, in books, by people who have lived in communities for decades, and — we should say plainly — in a great many pages competing with this one.
We went looking for its source. Here is what we found.
The nearest thing to a foundation is Rosabeth Moss Kanter’s Commitment and Community (Harvard University Press, 1972), a genuinely serious piece of sociology that surveyed 91 communal projects founded in America between 1780 and 1860. Kanter needed an operational definition of success, and chose one: a community counted as successful if it lasted at least 25 years. On that measure only a handful qualified — the Shakers, Amana, Oneida and a few others.
Look at what has to happen for that to become “ninety per cent of intentional communities fail”:
A study of nineteenth-century American communes becomes a claim about communities today.
A study of a specific historical window, 1780 to 1860, becomes a claim about a permanent rate.
Lasting fewer than 25 years becomes failing, which would make most businesses, most marriages and nearly every voluntary organisation a failure.
And a sample of 91 self-selected historical cases becomes a rate for a category that had not been invented yet.
Deborah Altus, who works in this field’s own scholarship, asks the question that the arithmetic invites: should longevity alone be the measure of success, and should short-lived communities be regarded as failures?
The other ninety per cent
There is a second source, and it is the one most people are actually half-remembering. It is also about something different.
Diana Leafe Christian’s Creating a Life Together (2003) — the standard practical reference on forming communities, written by the then editor of Communities magazine — opens with this: most aspiring ecovillages and community groups, “probably 90 percent”, never get off the ground. Their envisioned communities never get built. They cannot find the right land, or they run out of money, or they get mired in conflict before there is anything to be in conflict about.
Read that carefully, because it is not the claim it gets turned into.
Christian is describing groups trying to start a community, not communities that exist. A forming group that never buys land and never builds anything did not fail as a community; it never became one. Her figure says nothing about the odds facing a community you could go and visit next week — which is what “ninety per cent of intentional communities fail” is always taken to mean.
She is also careful about it in a way that the people quoting her are not. The number is hedged — probably — and it comes from her own experience: editing the magazine, visiting dozens of communities, and interviewing scores of founders. It is a practitioner’s estimate, offered as one, rather than a count of anything.
The genuinely useful part of Christian’s argument is not the number at all. It is what she does with it. Having looked at the groups that made it and the groups that did not, she concluded that the successful tenth had all done the same five or six things right, and the unsuccessful nine-tenths had made the same handful of mistakes.
That is a claim about pattern rather than rate, from somebody who looked at a great many cases. It is also, more or less, the rest of this lesson.
The six patterns
The rate is unknown. The pattern is not — it recurs across the case literature, the practitioner writing and the accounts of people who were there, and it is consistent enough to be worth checking a real community against.
1. A vision that was never written. Everyone agreed at the start, so nobody wrote it down. Four years later the group discovers it never agreed about whether this is a housing project with shared meals or a life’s work, and both parties can point at the same warm memories.
2. No agreed decision method. Covered in lesson 4 and worth repeating here, because it is where a founding group most often mistakes goodwill for a system. Without a stated method, the first genuinely contested decision has no legitimate way to close.
3. Money without agreements. Not a lack of money — a lack of terms. Who owes what, what happens when someone cannot pay, what a member’s stake is worth on the way out. Communities that skip this are usually being kind: writing it down felt like distrust among friends. It becomes distrust among friends later, with interest.
4. Founder authority that never converted. The founders carried the project and were right to. What kills communities is when that informal authority is never turned into something anyone can hold, limit or inherit — so the group cannot disagree with them, and cannot continue without them. See lesson 9 on why declaring that there is no hierarchy makes this worse rather than better.
5. Conflict with no process. Not conflict. Conflict without a route. The dispute has nowhere to go, so it goes everywhere: into the meetings, the meals, the rota, and eventually into who is still speaking to whom.
6. Drift. The slow one, and the most common. Nothing breaks. The agreements stop being read, then stop being taught to new members, then describe a place that no longer exists. Shared meals thin out from three a week to one to occasionally. Nobody decided any of this. One day the community is a pleasant street where people are polite to each other, and everyone is vaguely sad without being able to say what was lost.
Drift deserves its own note because it is the only one on this list that does not feel like anything while it is happening. The others announce themselves. Drift is what a community gets for being reasonable and busy.
Spot the early warning
Five things you might notice on a visit. Which ones would genuinely worry you? Some of these sound much worse than they are, and one sounds like nothing at all.
Endings that are not failures
Treating every ending as a failure is both unkind and analytically useless, and it is the habit that makes the ninety per cent figure feel plausible.
Completion. Some communities are formed to do something — house a group through a stage of life, hold land until a trust could take it, support a project. Finishing is not failing.
Deliberate dissolution. A group decides, while it still can, that this is not working, sells up, pays everyone out under the terms it agreed, and goes. Executed well, that is a governance success, and it is far better than the alternative of a slow attritional decline in which the last three members are left holding a building and each other’s resentment.
Transformation. A commune becomes a housing co-operative; an ecovillage becomes an ordinary village that happens to have a common house. The original thing ended. Something continued.
People leaving. A household leaving is an event, not a verdict. Twelve years is a long time to live anywhere.
The endings genuinely worth avoiding are the ones where nobody chose — where the money ran out, or the founders left and nothing had been transferred, or one conflict was allowed to run until the place emptied. What those have in common is not bad luck. It is that a decision was available earlier and nobody made it.
3Altus, D. — The Value of Community: What Defines Success?— a Communal Studies scholar questioning longevity as the measure; the 90% figure appears in the comments. Archived — the Foundation for Intentional Community has since removed the original.
7How this is written— why we mark what we could not verify rather than dropping it
Written by EcoHubs members, with AI assistance for drafting and editing, and reviewed by a
person before publication. Facts are checked against the sources listed; anything we could not
verify is marked. How this is written
A decision method requiring the agreement of all participants. Powerful for trust, slow under scale and fatigue.
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